![]() He married a second time after his return and had several children. We don't know what happened to his first wife. Finally, he had decided that it was time to settle down, and here he was, back in his village. Following this, he had studied in the madrasas of Cairo for eight years, and then traveled and studied in various other cities of the Ottoman Empire for several years. He had first gone to Mecca and performed the Hajj. None could have guessed what happened to him until he returned as a learned scholar of Islam twenty-five years later. Footnote 2 He married around the age of twenty-two, and one day, shortly after getting married, he walked away from his village without informing anybody. He made a name for himself with his singing and dancing at the drinking parties that he frequented, but he remained an inauspicious figure – the Volga-Ural Muslims at best tolerated the habitual drinker and merrymaker that he was. İşmuhammed bin Zâhid was born in 1740 in a Muslim village located midway between the cities of Orenburg and Kazan. Russian patronage of the hajj was also about capitalizing on human mobility to capture new revenues for the state and its transport companies and laying claim to Islamic networks to justify Russian expansion.An Islamic scholar from a village in the Cheliabinsk District, died in 1841 In a story meticulously reconstructed from scattered fragments, ranging from archival documents and hajj memoirs to Turkic-language newspapers, Kane argues that Russia built its hajj infrastructure not simply to control and limit the pilgrimage, as previous scholars have argued, but to channel it to benefit the state and empire. As a cross-border, migratory phenomenon, the hajj stoked officials’ fears of infectious disease, Islamic revolt, and interethnic conflict, but Kane innovatively argues that it also generated new thinking within the government about the utility of the empire’s Muslims and their global networks.Russian Hajj reveals for the first time Russia’s sprawling international hajj infrastructure, complete with lodging houses, consulates, “Hejaz steamships,” and direct rail service. But nor could the hajj be ignored, or banned, due to Russia’s policy of toleration of Islam. To support the hajj as a matter of state surveillance and control was controversial, given the preeminent position of the Orthodox Church. The first book in any language on the hajj under tsarist and Soviet rule, Russian Hajj tells the story of how tsarist officials struggled to control and co-opt Russia’s mass hajj traffic, seeing it not only as a liability, but also an opportunity. In the late nineteenth century, as a consequence of imperial conquest and a mobility revolution, Russia became a crossroads of the hajj, the annual Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca. As such, they served as the glue that held Volga-Ural Muslims together in a shared world, a regional Muslim domain, and they integrated this regional community of believers further into a transregional Muslim domain. Some of them also engaged in a broader network of Islamic scholars that extended primarily from Transoxiana to the Ottoman territories. When they graduated and dispersed through the region as village imams, they maintained these connections through kinship ties, letters, Sufi associations, and theological debates. As they traveled, they forged lasting connections with other students and scholars. This population of agricultural peasants and seasonal nomads rarely ventured beyond the vicinity of their villages or market towns, but scholars traveled extensively to pursue knowledge. In the absence of a politically active nobility, Islamic scholars kept the region’s Muslim inhabitants connected as a larger community. When Russian forces occupied the Volga-Ural region in the sixteenth century, they nearly eliminated the local Muslim nobility.
0 Comments
Leave a Reply. |
AuthorWrite something about yourself. No need to be fancy, just an overview. ArchivesCategories |